विद्यालय एवं उच्च शिक्षा की समस्याओं के समाधान की मांग

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अखिल भारतीय राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक महासंघ (ABRSM) के एक उच्चस्तरीय प्रतिनिधिमंडल ने केंद्रीय शिक्षा मंत्री श्री धर्मेन्द्र प्रधान से नई दिल्ली में भेंट की। प्रतिनिधिमंडल ने इस दौरान विद्यालय शिक्षा, उच्च शिक्षा तथा राष्ट्रीय प्रौद्योगिकी संस्थानों से संबंधित समस्याओं पर मंत्री महोदय के समक्ष विस्तार से चर्चा की और तीन पृथक ज्ञापनों के माध्यम से उनके शीघ्र समाधान की मांग की।

विद्यालयी शिक्षा से जुड़े ज्ञापन में महासंघ ने देशभर में लाखों रिक्त पदों पर शिक्षकों एवं संस्था प्रमुखों की नियमित नियुक्ति की आवश्यकता को रेखांकित किया। साथ ही शिक्षकों को गैर-शैक्षणिक कार्यों से मुक्त रखते हुए मिड-डे मील जैसे कार्यों को स्वतंत्र एजेंसियों को सौंपने की मांग रखी गई। ज्ञापन में पुरानी पेंशन योजना की बहाली, देश भर में समान वेतनमान और सेवा शर्तें लागू करने, कैशलेस चिकित्सा सुविधा, सेवा निवृत्ति की आयु 65 वर्ष करने, समयबद्ध पदोन्नति सुनिश्चित करने, प्राथमिक शिक्षकों को विधान परिषद में मताधिकार देने तथा शिक्षा के व्यापारीकरण पर अंकुश लगाने जैसे महत्वपूर्ण बिंदु भी सम्मिलित थे।

उच्च शिक्षा के संदर्भ में महासंघ ने हाल ही में यूजीसी द्वारा जारी उस परिपत्र को वापस लेने की मांग की, जिसमें एम.फिल./पीएच.डी. की वेतन वृद्धियों को समाप्त करने का निर्देश दिया गया है। प्रतिनिधिमंडल ने यह भी रेखांकित किया कि देश के अनेक उच्च शिक्षण संस्थान आधारभूत सुविधाओं की भारी कमी से जूझ रहे हैं, जिससे राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा नीति का प्रभावी क्रियान्वयन बाधित हो रहा है। 2025 के ड्राफ्ट रेगुलेशन की गम्भीर विसंगतियों पर महासंघ द्वारा दिए गए पूर्व में दिये ज्ञापन पर कार्रवाई की मांग वार्ता में की गई । ज्ञापन में फेकल्टी डेवलेपमेंट प्रोग्राम की बहाली, सेवारत शिक्षकों को पीएच.डी. में प्राथमिकता, अंडर ग्रेजुएट महाविद्यालयों को रिसर्च सेंटर की मान्यता, और कॉमन यूनिवर्सिटी एक्ट जैसे मसलों पर केंद्र सरकार के हस्तक्षेप की मांग की गई।

प्रतिनिधिमंडल ने मांग की कि राष्ट्रीय प्रौद्योगिकी संस्थानों को भी सी एस आर फंडिंग के लिए आई आई टी की भांति पात्र घोषित किया जाए ताकि नवाचार, शोध और परियोजना विकास को बल मिल सके। साथ ही, सेवानिवृत्त शिक्षकों को सीजीएचएस के तहत चिकित्सा सुविधा देने और पहले से स्वीकृत लेकिन लंबित करियर एड्वांसमेण्ट योजना को लागू करने की मांग की गई।

शिक्षा मंत्री श्री धर्मेन्द्र प्रधान ने तीनों ज्ञापनों की विषयवस्तु को गंभीरतापूर्वक सुना और प्रतिनिधिमंडल को आश्वस्त किया कि प्रस्तुत की गई समस्याओं और सुझावों पर संबंधित अधिकारियों को त्वरित कार्यवाही के निर्देश दिए जाएंगे।

प्रतिनिधिमंडल में महासंघ के अध्यक्ष प्रो. नारायण लाल गुप्ता, महामंत्री प्रो. गीता भट्ट, संगठन मंत्री श्री महेन्द्र कपूर, सह संगठन मंत्री श्री जी. लक्ष्मण, वरिष्ठ उपाध्यक्ष श्री महेन्द्र कुमार, विद्यालय शिक्षा प्रभारी श्री शिवानंद सिंदनकेरा, एन आई टी कार्य प्रमुख प्रो. एम. के. श्रीमाली, अतिरिक्त महामंत्री श्री अरविंदो महतो एवं श्री मोहन पुरोहित शामिल थे।

BJP’s Caste Census Triumph: A Strategic Masterstroke

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The recent announcement by the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government to include caste enumeration in the forthcoming national census has sent shockwaves through India’s political landscape. This decision, hailed as a historic step toward social justice and inclusive governance, has not only reshaped the narrative around caste politics but also exposed the Congress party’s decades-long inaction and opportunism on the issue. While the Congress ecosystem now scrambles to claim credit for this transformative move, the reality is clear: the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has delivered where Congress consistently failed, proving its commitment to addressing the needs of India’s marginalized communities with foresight and resolve.

For over five decades, the Congress party, which ruled India for much of the post-independence era, had ample opportunity to conduct a caste census. Such an exercise could have provided critical data to address socio-economic disparities and strengthen affirmative action policies for Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs), and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Yet, Congress governments repeatedly sidestepped the issue, prioritizing political expediency over social justice. The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) initiated in 2011 under the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was a half-hearted attempt, described by BJP leader Aparajita Sarangi as a “haphazard survey” that was never made public. The failure to release its findings underscores Congress’s lack of commitment to transparency and actionable reform. Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan aptly highlighted this hypocrisy, noting that Congress “never undertook a caste census because historically they had been opposed to it.”

In contrast, the Modi government’s decision to integrate caste enumeration into the national census reflects a bold and calculated strategy to address long-standing demands for social equity. This move, announced on April 30, 2025, by Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw, marks a significant departure from the BJP’s earlier cautious stance on the issue. The timing, ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections where caste dynamics play a pivotal role, demonstrates the BJP’s political acumen. By embracing the caste census, the BJP has not only neutralized a key opposition plank but also positioned itself as a champion of inclusive development. As Vaishnaw emphasized, the decision aims to ensure that “the social fabric is not disturbed by politics” and that caste enumeration is conducted transparently through the census rather than politically motivated state surveys.

The Congress’s attempt to claim credit for this decision is both shameless and disingenuous. Posters featuring Rahul Gandhi outside Congress headquarters in Delhi, installed by party leader Srinivas BV, proclaim that Gandhi’s “relentless advocacy” forced the Modi government’s hand. Yet, historical evidence paints a different picture. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge’s claim that the UPA’s 2013 SECC was a genuine caste census is undermined by the fact that its data was never released, rendering it ineffective. Moreover, Rahul Gandhi’s own rhetoric, once dismissed by Prime Minister Modi as reflective of an “urban naxal mindset,” conveniently shifted to claiming victory when the BJP announced the census. This opportunistic posturing exposes Congress’s desperation to remain relevant in a political landscape increasingly dominated by the BJP’s proactive governance.

The BJP’s decision is not merely a reaction to opposition pressure but a culmination of strategic deliberations within the party and its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Reports indicate that RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s meeting with PM Modi on the eve of the announcement played a crucial role in finalizing the decision. The RSS, which had previously expressed reservations about a caste census, conducted extensive feedback sessions across states, recognizing overwhelming public support for the exercise. This shift reflects the BJP’s ability to adapt to changing socio-political realities while staying true to its vision of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” (Together with All, Development for All). By linking the caste census to targeted socio-economic schemes, the BJP aims to empower disadvantaged communities, as evidenced by its support for caste-based surveys in Bihar, where the party was part of the cabinet that approved the state’s 2023 caste survey.

The Congress’s historical resistance to caste-based enumeration is further highlighted by its handling of the Mandal Commission report. Established in 1977 under the Janata Party government, which included the BJP’s predecessor, the Jana Sangh, the Mandal Commission aimed to promote social justice for OBCs. However, Congress governments kept the report shelved for a decade, only for it to be implemented under the National Front government led by V.P. Singh. Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan rightly pointed out that Congress’s inaction during this period delayed critical reforms for backward classes. The BJP, by contrast, has consistently advanced OBC empowerment, from granting constitutional status to the OBC commission to now committing to a nationwide caste census.

The political implications of the BJP’s move are profound, particularly in electorally significant states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. In Bihar, where caste politics dominates, the BJP’s endorsement of the caste census undermines the opposition’s narrative, particularly that of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Congress-led Mahagathbandhan. JD(U) working president Sanjay Jha noted that Nitish Kumar’s long-standing advocacy for a caste census, including his 2021 meeting with PM Modi, was supported by the BJP, debunking Congress’s claims of exclusivity. In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faced setbacks in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections due to shifting OBC loyalties, the caste census is a preemptive strike to consolidate its support among OBCs and Dalits while maintaining its upper-caste base.

Critics within the Congress ecosystem argue that the BJP’s move is a political gambit driven by electoral compulsions. However, this narrative ignores the BJP’s track record of delivering on complex reforms, from the Goods and Services Tax (GST) to Aadhaar-linked direct benefit transfers and the women’s reservation bill. The caste census announcement is another example of the Modi government taking reforms to their “logical conclusion,” as a BJP source described. Unlike Congress, which used caste as a divisive political tool without substantive action, the BJP is leveraging the census to foster data-driven governance that benefits all communities.

The Congress’s attempt to “own the narrative” on the caste census is a futile exercise in damage control. Its leaders, from Jairam Ramesh to Telangana CM Revanth Reddy, have resorted to grandstanding, with Ramesh questioning the census’s funding and timeline while Reddy claims credit for state-level surveys. Yet, these efforts ring hollow against the backdrop of Congress’s failure to act when in power. Maharashtra BJP chief Chandrashekhar Bawankule’s retort that Rahul Gandhi has “no rights” to demand a timeline, given Congress’s inaction, resonates with many.

In conclusion, the Modi government’s approval of a caste census is a masterstroke that underscores the BJP’s commitment to social justice and electoral strategy. By addressing a long-standing demand that Congress ignored for decades, the BJP has not only checkmated its opponents but also reinforced its image as a party of action and reform. The Congress’s desperate attempts to claim credit are a testament to its diminishing relevance in a political era defined by PM Modi’s visionary leadership. As India moves toward a more equitable future, the BJP’s caste census will stand as a milestone in empowering the marginalized, proving that true change comes from resolve, not rhetoric.

Sports Minister Dr Mansukh Mandaviya To Join ‘Cycling with Teachers’ Event in Delhi

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Member of Parliament and actor-singer Manoj Tiwari along with mountaineer Narender Kumar to also grace event this Sunday* 

New Delhi: Union Minister for Youth Affairs and Sports, Dr. Mansukh Mandaviya, will participate in a special edition of the Fit India Sundays On Cycle initiative, titled ‘Cycling with Teachers,’ alongside teachers from across the country. The event is scheduled for May 4 at the Major Dhyan Chand National Stadium.

The Fit India Movement’s cycling event aims to further the “Fight Obesity” initiative by highlighting the role of educators—teachers, coaches, and academic mentors—who are key participants in this week’s program.

The nationwide cycling drive kicked off in December 2024 and has seen over 2 lakh participants of myriad ages across 5000 locations pan-India. Star badminton duo Satwiksairaj Rankireddy and Chirag Shetty, who physically received their Major Dhyan Chand Khel Ratna from Dr. Mandaviya this week, lauded the initiative. “Nowadays, people mostly use motorcycles, not cycles, so it’s great to have a movement like this. I recently went back home and took a kid’s cycle for a ride in Hyderabad!” Satwik told SAI Media, smiling.

“Cycling not only helps you stay fit but also benefits the environment. It’s a win-win to commute to work or enjoy leisure activities by cycle. Whether it’s once, twice, or every day, please use cycles and support this initiative,” mentioned Chirag. 

This week’s Fit India Sundays on Cycle event in the national capital will be flagged off at 7 AM at the Major Dhyan Chand National Stadium. The event will also be attended by Member of Parliament and popular Bhojpuri actor-singer Manoj Tiwari and mountaineer Narender Kumar, who summited Mount Annapurna (8,091m), the 10th highest peak in the world, in April 2025; completing the entire expedition in just 12 days.

Truth Behind Neha Singh Rathore’s Decline

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The Rise: A Fleeting Voice of the People

Neha Singh Rathore burst onto the scene in 2020 with Bihar Mein Ka Ba, a Bhojpuri folk song that resonated with millions by highlighting Bihar’s struggles—unemployment, corruption, and neglect. Its raw authenticity, rooted in Bhojpuri tradition, made Neha a folk hero, her modest Jharkhand roots amplifying her appeal. The song’s viral success on YouTube, garnering millions of views, earned her a YouTube Silver Creator Award and a following of over 1.2 million by 2023. But the adulation came with a price: Neha tasted fame, and it reshaped her. Beneath her folk singer facade, a hunger for relevance took hold, tinged with resentment toward systems and traditions she perceived as barriers to her ascent.

The Descent: From Art to Hustle

By 2023, Neha’s music had shifted. Songs like UP Mein Ka Ba and MP Mein Ka Ba traded nuance for provocation, targeting the BJP with simplistic rhymes that pandered to anti-establishment audiences. Her performances, once grassroots gatherings, became commercial spectacles. Reports suggest her stage shows now command ticket prices in the thousands of rupees, catering to urban elites rather than the rural poor she once championed. These events, backed by event organizers capitalizing on her notoriety, feature polished production—lighting, sound, and paid promoters—indicating a lucrative enterprise. Her social media, littered with sponsored posts, further betrays her commercial pivot, with each controversy conveniently boosting her visibility and booking fees.

Yet, in April 2025, Neha claimed financial distress, posting on X that she had only ₹519 in her ICICI bank account, unable to afford lawyer fees for a sedition case tied to her Pahalgam attack posts. She appealed for free legal aid, stating she needed ₹500 for a tabla player to record a new song. This claim, reported by outlets like Navbharat Times and Jansatta, sparked skepticism, given her high-profile performances and estimated net worth of 1-2 crores. The contradiction is stark: how can a singer charging thousands per ticket lack funds for legal defense?

Reconciling the Contradiction: A Calculated Facade

Neha’s financial narrative appears to be a strategic ploy, blending truth with manipulation. Her claim of having only ₹519 in her bank account may reflect a temporary cash flow issue—common for artists with irregular income and high legal expenses. Sedition cases, like the one filed in Lucknow for her Pahalgam posts, can incur significant costs, potentially draining liquid assets. Her husband’s reported job loss, mentioned in X posts, may exacerbate this. However, her failure to mention her broader financial portfolio—earnings from YouTube, performances, and sponsorships—suggests selective transparency. By publicizing her bank balance, Neha crafts a victim persona, rallying supporters who see her as a persecuted artist fighting a powerful state.

The high ticket prices, meanwhile, are consistent with her commercialized career. Urban venues, where her shows are now staged, charge premium rates to cover production costs and profit margins. These events, priced at thousands, target a niche audience—activists, liberals, and youth—willing to pay for her brand of political satire. Neha’s participation in these shows, even while claiming poverty, points to a disconnect between her public image and private dealings. She leverages her “folk singer” identity to maintain authenticity, but her actions—prioritizing paid gigs over grassroots outreach—reveal a profit-driven core.

This duality fuels her resentment. Neha’s hatred, initially aimed at systemic injustices, has curdled into a personal vendetta against critics, traditions, and cultural icons who overshadow her. Her 2025 mockery of Veer Rasa poets—questioning whether figures like Ramdhari Singh Dinkar or Bhushan would fight in wars—was not satire but spite. Ignorant of Veer Rasa’s emotional depth, as outlined in Bharatmuni’s Natyashastra, she reduced a revered tradition to a cheap jab, resenting its enduring legacy. Retired IAS officer Manoj Srivastava’s rebuke, invoking Dinkar’s Parashuram ki Pratiksha and Western poets like John McCrae, highlighted her shallow provocation. Neha’s hatred isn’t ideological; it’s ego-driven, lashing out at anything that challenges her relevance.

The Pahalgam Fallout: Controversy as Currency

Neha’s April 2025 posts on the Pahalgam terror attack, which killed 26 people, exemplify her strategy. She accused the Modi government of security failures and vote-bank politics, claims that went viral when reposted by a Pakistani journalists’ group. The Lucknow FIR, filed under Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita for sedition and inciting religious animosity, cited her posts as “anti-national.” Neha’s response—claiming persecution and financial ruin—was textbook deflection. Her X post about having ₹519 and needing legal aid was less a plea than a performance, designed to galvanize supporters and deflect scrutiny. The timing—recording a new song amid a legal crisis—suggests she views controversy as a marketing tool, each FIR a chance to trend.

Critics on social media have called her out, with former fans accusing her of chasing “NGO money” and “liberal clout.” Her selective outrage—silent on issues that don’t fit her narrative—undermines her credibility. The Veer Rasa controversy, coupled with her Pahalgam posts, paints a picture of a singer who thrives on division, her hatred cloaked in satire but rooted in a need for validation.

The Truth: Profit Over Principle

Neha’s story is one of squandered potential. Her Bihar Mein Ka Ba was a genuine cry for change, but fame warped her. The high ticket prices reflect a career built on monetizing outrage, not uplifting the marginalized. Her claim of poverty, while possibly true in a narrow sense, is a calculated narrative to mask her commercial success. Legal battles may strain her finances, but her continued performances and social media hustle suggest resilience, not ruin. Her hatred—against tradition, critics, and revered poets—drives her rhymes, each one emptier than the last, crafted for applause and profit.

Neha’s defenders argue she’s a victim of patriarchy or political vendettas, but this ignores her agency. Neha leans on sloganeering, alienating even her base. Her legacy is a warning: talent alone doesn’t sustain impact. By trading authenticity for greed and resentment, Neha has become a hustler in folk singer’s clothing, her art a hollow echo of what it once promised.

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