The Dimensions of the ‘Swa’ in Bharat’s ‘Swadeshi’ Way of Life

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 Dr Manmohan Vaidya

Akhil Bharatiya Karyakarini Sadasya of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh

 

Delhi: The ‘Self’ embedded in Bharat’s Swadeshi way of life encompasses multiple profound dimensions that go far beyond mere cultural expression. During 1964 to 1966, under the leadership of Dr. D. S. Kothari, a commission was constituted to evaluate Bharat’s education system. One of its significant conclusions was that Bharat’s intellectual domain had become Eurocentric, whereas it ought to be rooted in a Bharat-centric perspective.

This insight invites a deeper reflection through contemporary examples. The ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas is widely described by global media, including in Bharat, as a war in the Middle East. However, Bharat’s Ministry of External Affairs has recently begun referring to this region as West Asia. The geography has not changed, but the perspective has. The term Middle East reflects a European vantage point where Bharat is seen as the East and Japan as the Far East. As an independent nation, Bharat must define the world through its own lens. For Bharat, Europe is the West, Japan is the East, and the Gulf region is West Asia. This shift in perspective represents the essence of Swadeshi consciousness.

The British came to Bharat with the intention to rule, and accordingly, they framed laws with a punitive orientation, most notably the Indian Penal Code (IPC). In present-day Bharat, governance is rooted in the will of the people, where the objective is not punishment but justice. In alignment with this principle, the Indian Penal Code has been replaced by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). This transformation signifies not merely a change in nomenclature but a deeper shift in philosophical orientation from rule to justice. Similar changes are unfolding across multiple domains.

As a nation, we are capable of accomplishing much more. Prior to colonial intervention, Bharat possessed a scientifically grounded system of time reckoning based on the movements of the Sun, Moon, and Earth. The names of months were derived from constellations, and our scholars could accurately predict solar and lunar eclipses even 50 to 100 years in advance. In contrast, the Western Gregorian calendar originally comprised only ten months. September, October, November, and December literally denote the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth months. Subsequently, Julius Caesar introduced July, and Augustus added August, thereby altering the original numerical sequence.

Even today, festivals in Bharat are not observed according to English dates but in accordance with the traditional lunar tithi. Ram Navami is celebrated on Chaitra Shukla Navami, Raksha Bandhan on Shravan Purnima, Janmashtami on Krishna Ashtami of Shravan or Bhadrapada, Navaratri begins on Ashwin Shukla Pratipada, and Vijayadashami falls on Ashwin Shukla Dashami. Regardless of the corresponding Gregorian date, these observances remain anchored in tithi. This raises a pertinent question. If we consult auspicious timings while determining marriage dates, why should anniversaries and birthdays be confined to English dates alone? The insistence on tithi is not merely cultural but civilizational, rooted in a system that is ancient, scriptural, and scientific. It is an expression of our intrinsic self.

The contemporary practice of celebrating birthdays according to English dates, marked by midnight rituals, cake cutting, and superficial customs, stands in contrast to Bharatiya tradition, where the day begins in Brahma Muhurta, before sunrise. Observing birthdays according to tithi transforms the very ethos of celebration. One awakens early (before sunrise), performs ablutions, lights a sacred lamp before the Divine, seeks blessings from elders, takes noble resolutions, and commits oneself to societal good. Such observances foster harmony, values, and a spirit of collective joy within the family.

This is the essence of the Swadeshi way of life, where thought, time, conduct, and culture are aligned with one’s own civilizational self. Without confrontation or excessive expenditure, merely by transforming perspective, one can make life more meaningful, rooted, and authentically Bharatiya.

Education, Learning, and the Purpose of Life: Bharat’s ‘Swa’ Perspective

I recently came across a thought-provoking reflection. The author observes –

“I have met some uneducated but learned people and some educated unlearned people too.”

Education gives you a means to earn a livelihood, whereas learning is different from education. Learning gives you a purpose in life. If the purpose is clear and the direction is decided, you can set your priorities.

When there is a purpose and direction coupled with efforts, life flows like water in a river. The river chooses to flow between the limitations of its banks because it has to reach its goal, to be one with the ocean. Mere education and earning money in life is like water in a lake; however large it is, it stinks.

Books help you to learn the meaning and purpose of life. It is said that first we learn to read, and then we read to learn. By managing tasks, one can spare time for reading to learn. Like the fish lives in water, we live in time. How can a fish say that there is no water! Similarly, no one can say that he or she doesn’t have time. One has to prioritise tasks, and he can find time to read and lead a meaningful life by navigating the depths of learning beyond education.”

Therefore, life must not be confined merely to the pursuit of wealth; it must be anchored in a higher purpose. Achieving such a purpose requires resolve, waking before sunrise, followed by consistent effort and eventually disciplined habit. Once the waking time is fixed, the time of rest aligns automatically.

Within these two boundaries, life flows in balance, fostering both physical and mental well-being. If every household were to adopt the practice of rising before sunrise, it could transform both the direction and condition of life. Exceptions may exist for those engaged in night shifts or suffering from illness, but for most, practices such as regular exercise, yoga, and Surya Namaskar naturally become integral to life. This too reflects an essential dimension of Bharat’s intrinsic Swa, a harmonious alignment of discipline, purpose, and holistic well-being.

“To Give a Little More”: The Silent and Salient Ethos of Bharat

Before the advent of British rule, Bharat did not exist as a politically unified entity. There was immense diversity in language, modes of worship, and ways of life, with various kings ruling over the people of Bharat, framing different kingdoms. Yet, across this vast civilizational expanse, one enduring tradition could be observed for centuries. Whenever a liquid commodity such as milk or oil was measured and given, after filling the measure completely, a little extra would invariably be added.

Similarly, while weighing goods on a scale, even after the balance was achieved, a small additional quantity would be offered. This practice continues even today, especially in rural Bharat. It is not merely a style of commerce; rather, it reflects the intrinsic civilizational ethos of Bharat, its ‘Inner Self’. The sentiment behind it is clear: whatever value/money I receive, in return I must ensure that even by mistake I should not give ‘less’ to society, but a little more. This disposition of returning more to society is the essence of Bharat.

A Lasting Remedy to Corruption

Regrettably, modern education is increasingly shaping individuals into being self-centric, materialist, and driven primarily by economic gain. In contrast, the ordinary citizen of Bharat finds a natural joy in giving more to society. This is the innate disposition of Bharat. If this inner ethos is awakened and translated into conduct, corruption would find no space to exist. The guiding principle is simple: whatever remuneration or value I receive for my work, I must return more to society, never less under any circumstance. This is the true manifestation of Bharat’s swadeshi way of life and its civilizational self.

The Irish-born disciple of Swami Vivekanand, Sister Nivedita (Margaret Noble), articulated a profoundly significant idea concerning social life. She stated that in a society where people, instead of keeping the remuneration of their work to themselves only, share it with society, on the basis of this accumulated wealth (social capital) with the society, the society as a whole becomes prosperous and everyone in the society becomes prosperous. It is this social capital that leads to the prosperity of society, enabling every individual within it to progress. This is Dharma, not confined to any sect, way of worship, or religion, but a life philosophy that binds society into a cohesive whole.

Sister Nivedita further noted that in a society where individuals accumulate the fruits of their labour solely for personal gain without returning anything to society, a few in the society may appear affluent, but the society as a whole remains impoverished. Therefore, if this principle becomes an integral part of the Swadeshi way of life, the entire character of society can be transformed. For this, conscious and active participation of every individual is essential.

“Dharma” The Civilizational Ideal of Bharat

The guiding thought and conduct of Bharat have always been rooted in three principles: abundance in production, equity in distribution, and restraint in consumption. To regulate one’s consumption and dedicate what remains beyond one’s needs to the welfare of society with a sense of belonging is Dharma. Conversely, to pursue self-interest by causing harm to others or by depriving them of their rightful share is Adharma.

Keeping this spirit in mind, the leadership of independent Bharat adopted certain symbolic and idea-driven expressions. The motto of the Lok Sabha is “Dharmachakra Pravartanaya”, that of the Rajya Sabha is “Satyam Vada, Dharmam Chara”, and the Supreme Court of Bharat bears the inscription “Yato Dharmastato Jaya”. Even the wheel in the national flag represents the Dharmachakra.

Bharat is, at its core, a Dharma-centric civilization. When Artha and Kama, the pursuits of wealth and desire, operate within the discipline of Dharma, Moksha (the ultimate goal of a human being) naturally follows. Compassion is Dharma, while ego is sin. Therefore, life must maintain a balance between inner spiritual discipline and outer social service. Swami Vivekanand encapsulated this beautifully in the principle of serving living beings in the spirit of Shiva, that to serve man is to serve God, and regarded service to the poor as equivalent to worship of the Divine. The same meaning is conveyed in the saying, “Ekant me Sadhana aur Lokant me Seva”, meaning, Sadhana in solitude and Seva in public. Gurudev Rabindranath Thakur has put it beautifully. He says giving or donating to society is “Charity”, while giving back to society is “Dharma”.

This is the civilizational self of Bharat, this is its Swadeshi way of life.

In the eighteenth chapter of the Bhagavad Gita, it is stated that a person attains perfection by being devoted to their own rightful duty, and by worshipping the Divine through the performance of their own work.

Sant Dnyaneshwar expresses this idea with simplicity and depth, stating that offering one’s actions as flowers in worship to the all-pervading Divine present in society brings profound fulfilment. The essence of all these teachings is that every action of ours should be performed in the spirit of service to society. Just as we choose fresh, fragrant, and the finest flowers for worship, so too must our actions be pure, outstanding, and of the highest quality when dedicated to society.

This is the true Swa of Bharat. Let this become our nature, let this shape our way of life. Then our social and national life will become harmonious, prosperous, and deeply fulfilling. This alone is the Swadeshi way of life.

 

आशा ताई का निधन –  पार्श्व गायन के एक स्वर्णिम युग का अंत 

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लखनऊ। देश की महान पार्श्व गायिका आशा भोंसले जी का निधन भारतीय सिनेमा के लिए एक अपूरणीय क्षति है। 8 सितंबर 1933 को महाराष्ट्र के सांगली में जन्मी, स्वर साधिका आशा भोंसले जी अपनी आवाज़ के जादू से संगीत प्रेमियों के दिलों पर राज करती थीं। पिता दीनानाथ मंगेशकर ने ही अपनी पुत्री आशा को संगीत की आरंभिक शिक्षा दी किन्तु जब आशा की आयु मात्र 9 वर्ष की थी तभी दीनानाथ जी का निधन हो गया और पूरा परिवार मुंबई आ गया। परिवार की आर्थिक सहायता के लिए आशा और इनकी बड़़ी बहन लता मंगेशकर जी ने फिल्मों में गीत गाना और अभिनय करना आरम्भ किया।

आशा जी ने प्रथम गीत 1943 में मराठी फिल्म माझा बाल में गाया था। 1948 में हिंदी फिल्म चुनरिया का गीत “सावन आया“ हंसराज बहल के लिए गाया। आशा भोंसले ने 20 भाषाओं में 12 हजार से अधिक गीत गाए हैं। आशा जी ने मराठी, असमिया, हिंदी, तेलुगू, मराठी, बंगाली, गुजराती, पंजाबी, भोजपुरी,  तमिल, और मलयालम भाषा में गीत तो गाये ही वहीं विदेशी अंग्रेजी, रशियन, नेपाली, मलय आदि भाषाओं में भी गीत गाकर इतिहास रचा।

एक समय ऐसा था जब आशा जी को नायिकाओं पर फिल्माए जाने वाले प्रमुख गीत नहीं मिलते थे। 1950 के दशक में आशा जी ने दूसरी-तीसरी श्रेणी की फिल्मों  या फिर खलनायिकाओं वाले गीत गाए।आशा जी की लोकप्रियता फिल्म बूट पॉलिश के गीत “नन्हें मुन्ने बच्चों“ के साथ हुई। आशा जी को सबसे बड़ा अवसर 1956 में ओ.पी. नैयर की फिल्म सीआईडी में मिला, इस फिल्म के गीत बेहद लोकप्रिय हुए। 1957 मे बी. आर. चोपड़ा की फिल्म नया दौर के गीतों  से कमाल हो गया और इन फिल्म के गीत जनमानस में छा गये थे।1966 में संगीतकार आर.डी. बर्मन की सबसे सफल फिल्म तीसरी मंजिल से आशा जी की आवाज़ का जादू श्रोताओं के सर चढ़कर बोलने लगा। 1970 तक आशा जी एक प्रमुख आवाज़ बन गयीं। उस समय के गीत आज भी अत्यंत लोकप्रिय हैं। 1981से 1987 तक आशा जी ने अपने गीतों का लोहा मनवा लिया।

आशा जी ने कई संगीत निर्देशकों के साथ काम किया, जिनमें संगीतकार ओ. पी, नैयर, खैय्याम, रवि, सचिन देव बर्मन के साथ उनकी साझीदारी बहुत प्रभावशाली  रही। संगीत निर्देशक जयदेव ने आशा जी के साथ कई फिल्मों के लिए गीत रिकॉर्ड किए। 1987 में जयदेव जी के निधन के बाद उनके कम प्रसिद्ध गीतों का संकलन जो जयदेव के द्वारा संगीतबद्ध था सुरांजलि नाम से निकाला गया इसमें आशा जी की प्रमुख भूमिका थी। संगीतकार शंकर जयकिशन के साथ आशा जी ने जो गीत गाए वे काफी लोकप्रिय हुए। आशा जी ने ही 1970 में मेरा नाम जोकर प्रसिद्ध फिल्म के गीत गाए और लोकप्रियता बटोरी।आशा जी ने इलैया राजा से लेकर इस पीढ़ी के ए आर रहमान तक के साथ किया । फिल्मी दुनिया में शायद ही ऐसा कोई संगीताकर हो जिसके लिए आशा जी ने गीत न गाया हो। आशा जी ने कई निजी एलबम भी निकाले इनमें  “कभी तो नजर मिलाओ“ और “बरसे बादल“ काफी लोकप्रिय हुए। गायन की विविधता से आशा जी ने अपनी गायकी में अभूतपूर्व  ऊंचाई प्राप्त की

आशा भोंसले जी को सात बार फिल्म फेयर पुरस्कार, 1995 में फिल्म रंगीला के लिए विशेष पुरस्कार, 2001 में फिल्मफेयर लाइफ टाइम अचीवमेंट, 1981 में उमराव जान और 1986 में इजाजत के लिए राष्ट्रीय फिल्म पुरस्कार मिले। 1997 में आशा जी को उस्ताद अली अकबर खान के साथ विशेष एलबम के लिए ग्रैमी अवार्ड हेतु नामांकित किया गया । वर्ष 2000 में उन्हें दादा साहब फाल्के पुरस्कार से सम्मानित किया गया। वर्ष 2008 में उन्हें पद्म विभूषण से सम्मानित किया गया। आशा जी का नाम गिनीज बुक ऑफ वर्ल्ड रिकार्ड में भी अंकित है।

वर्चस्व की लड़ाई: पश्चिम एशिया की 40 दिन की आग मानसून झेलेगा?

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मुंबई : फारस की खाड़ी का आसमान अब नीला नहीं रहा। धुएँ से सना, बैंगनी और बोझिल दिखता है। चालीस दिन तक चली जंग ने ज़मीन ही नहीं, फिज़ा को भी ज़ख़्मी कर दिया है।
धुआंधार बमबारी फिलहाल थामी है, मगर ख़तरा ज़िंदा है। अब बारूद नहीं, हवा चल रही है। जानकारों के मुताबिक ज़हरीला धुआँ, सल्फर और बारीक गर्द का एक बड़ा गुबार अरब सागर के ऊपर से भारत की तरफ बढ़ने को बेकरार है। ये सिर्फ जंग का धुंधलका नहीं, ये एक “मौसमी बम” है, जो धीरे-धीरे पाकिस्तान के सिर पर फटने को तैयार है, जिसका खामियाजा भुगतेगा समूचा क्षेत्र।
खाड़ी देशों में हुए हमलों ने तेल रिफाइनरियों, गैस प्लांट्स और इंडस्ट्रियल हब्स को निशाना बनाया। आग भड़की, और आसमान में ज़हर भर गया। तेहरान में “काली बारिश” देखी गई, जहाँ कार्बन और धुआँ पानी के साथ गिरा। ये मंजर खौफनाक है। और अब यही हवा भारत की ओर रुख कर सकती है।
भारत का मानसून कोई मामूली घटना नहीं। ये एक नाज़ुक समूह गान है। ज़मीन की गर्मी और समंदर की नमी की जुगलबंदी बारिश को जन्म देते हैं। लेकिन जंग ने इस तालमेल में खलल डाल दिया है। अब ये सुर बिखर सकते है।
वैज्ञानिक तीन बड़े खतरे गिना रहे हैं, और हर एक खतरा अपने आप में आफ़त है।
पहला है ब्लैक कार्बन। तेल और ईंधन के जलने से निकला ये महीन धुआँ सूरज की गर्मी को सोख लेता है। इससे हवा असामान्य रूप से गर्म हो जाती है। नतीजा? अचानक तेज़ और बेकाबू बारिश। कुछ घंटों में महीनों का पानी गिर सकता है। शहर डूब सकते हैं, गाँव बह सकते हैं। और जो पानी गिरेगा, वो साफ नहीं, बल्कि तेजाबी हो सकता है, जो मिट्टी की उर्वरता छीन लेगा।
दूसरा खतरा है सल्फेट एरोसोल। ये कण सूरज की रोशनी को वापस अंतरिक्ष में भेज देते हैं। इससे ज़मीन ठंडी पड़ जाती है। इसके फलस्वरूप मानसून की ताकत घट सकती है। बारिश में देरी, बीच-बीच में रुकावट, और कई इलाकों में बिल्कुल गायब भी हो सकती है। किसान आसमान निहारता रहेगा, खेत प्यासे रह जाएंगे।
तीसरा खतरा सबसे खौफनाक है। अगर ये धुआँ ऊपरी वायुमंडल तक पहुँच गया, तो ये ज्वालामुखी जैसा असर डाल सकता है। सूरज की रोशनी कम हो जाएगी, तापमान गिरेगा, और मानसून कई सालों तक कमजोर पड़ सकता है। यानी एक लंबा सूखा दौर, जो खेती और खाने की सुरक्षा दोनों को हिला देगा।
इतिहास गवाह है। 1991 में कुवैत के तेल कुओं में लगी आग ने दुनिया को झकझोर दिया था। उस धुएँ के असर हिमालय तक महसूस हुए। मगर आज हालात और भी संगीन हैं। इस बार आग ज्यादा बड़ी है, और समय भी बेहद नाज़ुक। मानसून आने ही वाला है।
इस पर एल नीनो का साया भी है। प्रशांत महासागर का ये चक्र अक्सर भारत में कमजोर मानसून लाता है। अब एक अजीब जंग छिड़ गई है। एक तरफ जंग से बना धुआँ बारिश को तेज़ कर सकता है, दूसरी तरफ एल नीनो उसे दबायेगा। नतीजा होगा कहीं बाढ़, कहीं सूखा। पंजाब में पानी ही पानी, गुजरात में प्यास ही प्यास।
समंदर भी अब बीमार है। खाड़ी में फैले तेल ने पानी की सतह को ढक लिया है। इससे भाप कम उठेगी, बादल कम बनेंगे, और बारिश की ताकत घटेगी। ये एक खतरनाक सिलसिला है। गंदा समंदर, कमजोर बादल, सूखी धरती।
भारत की खेती मानसून पर टिकी है। हर फसल का एक तय वक्त होता है। जब बारिश वक्त पर नहीं आती, तो बीज या तो सूख जाते हैं या बह जाते हैं। किसान की मेहनत मिट्टी में मिल जाती है। राजस्थान, हरियाणा, पंजाब जैसे इलाके सबसे ज्यादा प्रभावित हो सकते हैं।
सच कड़वा है, मगर साफ है। आज की दुनिया में कोई जंग सीमित नहीं रहती। खाड़ी में लगी आग, केरल की बारिश को भी बदल सकती है। हवा की कोई सरहद नहीं होती।
इस साल जब मानसून के पहले बादल उठेंगे, लोग सिर्फ बारिश नहीं, उसकी फितरत भी देखेंगे। क्या ये राहत लाएगा या आफ़त? ये सवाल हर किसान, हर शहरवासी के दिल में होगा।
कुदरत अपना हिसाब चुकाती है, और अक्सर बिल किसी और के नाम भेजती है। युद्ध की इस आग का बिल भगवान न करे, भारत के किसान को चुकाना पड़े।

As India’s Assam goes to assembly polls 

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Nava Thakuria
Guwahati: As Assam goes to the single-phase polling tomorrow (9 April 2026), nearly 2.49 crore registered voters (including 5.75 lakh young/first time voters) will exercise their franchise to elect 126 representatives for the State legislative assembly. Under the guidelines of Election Commission of India, all types of campaigning had already came to a halt at 5 pm on Tuesday (48 hours prior to voting) where the authority urged all candidates, political parties, and media outlets to strictly follow the guidelines. The same timeline is made applicable for Kerala and Pondicherry as well, whereas Tamil Nadu will vote on 23 April, and West Bengal going for polling on 23 and 29 April next.
Amid the high power poll campaigning, the electorates will seemingly find reasons to vote in favour of safety-security, sustainable development and unbiased welfare initiatives by reinstating the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government in Dispur or hand over the power to the Indian National Congress-led opposition alliance. An aggressive campaigning by State chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma and the responsive approach from the opposition leaders including Assam Congress chief Gaurav Gogoi may put the voters in bewilderment while selecting their legislators for a change in the regime, which will be reflected on the 4 May counting day.
The BJP unveiled its manifesto with a number of important promises to counter a decade (two-term) long anti-incumbency wave. The party’s 31 point Sankalpa-Patra, released by Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman in Guwahati, proposes a continuous economic activities blending with welfare assurances. Moreover, the saffron party did not forget to exploit the inherent anxiety of mainstream Assamese people by ensuring safeguards against the illegal migrants (read Bangladesh origin Muslims). It also highlighted the Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act 1950, which was picked up by Assam government to deal with the massive illegal Bangladeshi issue in recent days, even though this central act could not prevent the historic anti-foreigner agitation (1979 to 1985) and updation of the National Register of Citizens (2013–2019) in Assam.
Assuring that all signed peace accords will be implemented on time, the nationalist party promised to bring the Uniform Civil Code into action and also formulate stringent laws to deal with sensational issues like love-jihad and land-jihad. It highlighted the continued effort to address child marriages and also polygamy practices as an initiative for social reforms. As usual, the party took pride in mentioning the creation of over 1.6 lakh government jobs in the last five years, where the selection process was transparent, and guaranteed its mission to offer two lakh jobs to the eligible candidates in the next five years.
The tea plantation workers were provided with land settlement papers along with other benefits in the gracious presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Guwahati. PM Modi also addressed election rallies in other parts of Assam canvassing for the candidates belonging to the ruling allies. Very recently, the State government transferred Rs 3,600 crore to 40 lakh women beneficiaries under Orunodoi scheme, where a beneficiary received the cumulative four months’ installments (with Rs 1,250 per month ) and Rs 4,000 as a Bohag Bihu bonus. According to the chief minister, nearly Rs 17,000 crore were already transferred to the monthly Orunodoi recipients.
On the other hand, Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra released a people’s charge-sheet against the government alleging widespread corruption against many leaders in power, precisely CM Sarma, as well as its failure to accomplish many electoral promises. Later party leader Rahul Gandhi in the presence of APCC president Gogoi and others released the people’s manifesto in Assam. The party also promised Scheduled Tribe status for Chutias, Koch Rajbongshis, Adivasis (Tea Tribes), Mataks, Morans and Tai Ahoms. It also stated that due actions will be taken against CM Sarma after investigating his alleged financial scams.
The oldest party of India however invited wrath from a large section of people for bringing the issue of Assam’s cultural icon Zubeen Garg in the electoral promises. The Congress promised to facilitate justice for Zubeen, who died under a mysterious situation in Singapore on 19 September last year, within 100 days if voted to power. Zubeen’s widow Garima Saikia Garg and close relatives have already appealed to all political parties for not politicizing his untimely death and subsequent trials (currently going on in the local court, for electoral gains. Meanwhile, Congress leader Pawan Khera made a sensational allegation against the chief minister’s wife over her multiple passports and million dollar foreign investments. It was responded with strong resentment from Sarma and his wife suing in the court.
The opposition alliance comprising Asom Jatiya Parishad, Raijor Dal, etc has been planning to materialize the anti-incumbency factors (against the BJP-led government) into votes in the electronic voting machines. However, in some constituencies like Jalukbari, where CM Sarma continues to win since 2001 assembly polls even after changing his political affiliation from the Congress to BJP in 2015, that sentiment is yet to be visible. The Congress, in particular, may also try to consolidate the religious minority votes in western and south Assam, even though the Badruddin Ajmal-led All India United Democratic Front will pose serious challenges in some constituencies. The Congress has presently only 26 MLAs followed by the AIUDF (15), CPM (one) and an Independent in the opposition bench, whereas the ruling alliance comprises 64 BJP legislators, nine Asom Gana Parishad members, seven United People’s Party Liberal representatives and three Bodoland People’s Front legislators in the assembly.
Days back, former State Congress president Bhupen Bora and sitting parliamentarian Pradyut Bordoloi joined the saffron brigade. They were also offered BJP tickets for the election, where Bordoloi may face a tough electoral challenge in Dispur constituency from a ticket deprived party leader. Jayanta Kumar Das, a native of the locality, has already resigned from the BJP and duly filed his nomination as an independent candidate. Any major gain in votes by party defector Das will ruin the electoral prospects for Bordoloi, who was a trusted assistant to former Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi. On the other hand, a minister in Sarma’s cabinet Nandita Garlosa, who did not receive a party ticket, left the saffron family to join the Congress and put her candidature in Haflong constituency.
Jorhat constituency witnesses a fair election campaigning primarily between the BJP legislator Hitendra Nath Goswami and Congress parliamentarian Gogoi, who happens to be the deputy leader of the opposition in Lok Sabha. The son of former Congress chief minister, Gogoi recently made a highly receptive comment that the present Assam BJP is managed by the former Congress leaders and hence the veteran saffron leaders have largely lost their grip in the party. An RTI activist turned legislator Akhil Gogoi, who now leads Raijor Dal, is fighting against BJP’s Kushal Dowari in Sibsagar constituency, where an ally to the ruling party, AGP also fielded Pradip Hazarika.
Recently, Uttar Asom Pranta of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh formally lodged police complaints against Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge for his controversial remarks at an election rally in Barak valley, where Kharge compared the ideology of RSS and BJP to a poisonous snake and suggested its elimination. As cited in the complaint, Kharge stated that if a poisonous snake is moving in front of you while you are offering Namaz, you must stop the prayer and rush to kill the poisonous snake first — that is what the Quran prescribes you to do. I tell you that the RSS and BJP are similar to such a poisonous snake; if you do not eliminate it, you may not survive, he asserted.
Expressing serious concern over such remarks which are inflammatory in nature and capable of inciting hostility, intimidation, and violence against workers and supporters of RSS and BJP, the complaint reads ‘describing the ideology of RSS and BJP as poisonous and allegedly calling for their elimination could be interpreted as encouraging bodily harm against members and supporters of these organizations’. The FIR further stated that the remarks attempt to promote communal division between Hindu and Muslim communities, potentially disturbing public peace and harmony in Assam and influencing the electoral environment. The complaints warn that such statements may lead to communal tensions or clashes if not addressed promptly by the authorities. The RSS also did not forget to appeal to everyone for ensuring hundred percent polling and urged the voters to exercise their franchise with an aim to safeguard the interest of Bharat.
Lately, a group of over 200 prominent Assamese individuals urged the electorates to cast their votes keeping an eye on the region’s security, culture and development. The group under the initiative of Assam’s socio-cultural organization Pragya recently issued a statement highlighting the identity, culture and security for the indigenous people. The appeal endorsed by prominent citizens including Satradhikars, religious Gurus, vice-chancellors, professors, lawyers, artists, writers, etc expressed serious concern over the rapid demographic changes taking place in Assam. They urged the voters to elect only those party candidates who maintain a clear objective to protect the native families. They also emphasized on the conservation of natural resources & wildlife as well as implementation of strict policies against drug-addiction.
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