Few Days Back
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In the bustling press room of the U.S. State Department, the scene was tense as journalists gathered for the daily briefing. Cameras flashed, and microphones jostled for position as the crowd waited for State Department spokesperson Mathew Miller to step up to the podium.
Miller, known for his articulate demeanor and composed presence, began the briefing addressing various international issues with his usual measured tone. However, the atmosphere shifted when a veteran reporter, , stood up, his voice firm with a hint of accusation.
“Mr. Miller,” he began, his gaze piercing, “we’ve noticed your vocal statements regarding the recent detention of Indian activist Arvind Kejriwal, expressing concern over his rights and treatment. However, there’s been a deafening silence from the State Department regarding the arrest of political prisoners in Pakistan. Can you shed some light on this apparent discrepancy?”
As tension unfolded in the press room, a wave of familiarity washed over me, stirring memories of my past investigative work on the rise of the Aam Aadmi Party in India. Abandoned a decade ago, the story resonated with the unfolding drama, hinting at connections waiting to be uncovered.
The room fell silent as all eyes turned to Miller, whose expression remained composed, though a flicker of discomfort passed across his features. He adjusted his glasses, choosing his
words carefully.
“I appreciate your question,” Miller began, his voice steady. “The State Department remains committed to upholding human rights and due process around the world. Regarding the specific cases you mentioned, each situation is unique, and our response is based on a variety of factors, including diplomatic considerations and available information.”
But the reporter wasn’t satisfied, his tone sharpening as he pressed further. “With all due respect, Mr. Miller, it seems there’s a pattern of selective vocalization here. Can you assure us that political considerations aren’t influencing the department’s response?”
Miller’s composure wavered slightly under the weight of the accusation, his brows furrowing before he regained his poise. “I can assure you that the State Department’s stance on human rights is unwavering and impartial. We are constantly evaluating and monitoring situations around the globe, and our responses are grounded in our commitment to fundamental freedoms and justice.”
The tension in the room thickened as the exchange unfolded, leaving an unsettling undercurrent in its wake. It was a scene that hinted at deeper machinations, where the surface veneer of diplomacy masked a labyrinth of hidden agendas. And as Mathew Miller navigated the delicate dance of words, one couldn’t help but wonder what secrets lay veiled beneath the facade – secrets that perhaps intertwined the corridors of power with the enigmatic figure of Arvind Kejriwal.
The unfolding narrative subtly suggests a profound linkage between Arvind Kejriwal’s historical trajectory and the enigmatic tapestry of interests binding global civil society and the Government of the USA with him.
The Past – Sab Mile Huye Hain Ji
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Cut to 2014. Someone has given me a tip. In the shadows beneath a quondam but steadfast Dharamshala near RK Ashram Marg Metro Station in Delhi, a clandestine gathering unfolded. Here, beneath the earth’s surface, an underground civil society convened, its members drawn from disparate backgrounds but united by a common purpose. Among them, a notable presence emerged – many clad in the unmistakable nicker uniforms of the RSS, their allegiance proudly displayed. Alongside them, a tapestry of individuals unfolded – a financial analyst, a female reporter from a prominent Indian daily, a retired army colonel, and an advocate, alongside retired gerontocrats and ‘social’ workers. The agenda crackled with ambition – the formation of a new political entity, a bold endeavor aimed at reshaping the political landscape. Amidst the fervent discourse, the recent specter of the Aam Aadmi Party is looming large, its grassroots success serving as both inspiration and cautionary tale. Among the attendees, two figures, Kailash Goatanka and Col. JN Pandey, once comrades now adversaries of Arvind Kejriwal, observed with measured interest, their presence underscoring the intricate webs of alliance and enmity in the labyrinth of Indian politics.
Kailash Goatanka, an RSS affiliated social worker, remembers Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia as conspirators. They were once members of an NGO called Sampoorn Parivartan where Goatanka was General Secretary. The annual report of Ford Foundation (FF) in 2002 reveals that this NGO Sampoorn Parivartan received 80,000 $ for ‘mobilizing’ civil society to combat corruption which according to Goatanka became a cause of rift between the members. The governing body of the NGO decided against using foreign funding to combat corruption. “Fight against corruption is also a fight against the government and we couldn’t be using it for there is an evident conflict of interest.” says Goatanka in a self-righteous tone. “Both Kejriwal and Sisodia wanted to use these funds and tried to sabotage the NGO
by creating a rift between the members. So, the governing body had to pass a resolution against this funding which was returned back to Ford Foundation.” This NGO was subsequently disbanded as the member functionaries felt that it can be misused by the members.
The grant made to Sampoorn Parivartan by the Ford Foundation to Sampoorn Parivartan in the year 2002 was ten thousand dollars more than grant made to Oxfam, India. Oxfam had 50 years of operational experience in the sector as compared to a relatively new, three years old, Sampoorn Parivartan.
Sampoorn Parivartan (SP) came under the broader umbrella of a movement called Parivartan which was started in Delhi in 1999 to fight against corruption. As another group in south India had already registered themselves as Parivartan, an NGO called Sampoorn Parivartan was officially registered in 2000 to procure official funding for the movement. Apart from SP many other groups joined the movement. One of them was National Network for India (NNFI). The National Network for India (NNFI) helps individuals and groups working to improve the governance process. Its member Anant Trivedi recollects that “Arvind joined us later. But he became instrumental in the organization’s proceeding because the founder members had become dull.” Trivedi is also a part of an organization called Maulik Bharat. On further inquiry about Sampoorn Parivartan, Anant Trivedi says that he never joined the group formally. “I am not part of any NGO; my interest lies in helping organizations.” He doesn’t remember the name Sampoorn Parivartan because they ‘just’ called their movement Parivartan. Another founder member mentioned on the website, Promod Chawla remembers, “We got in touch with each other as we come from a strong networking society. Initially we started with targeting Ration shops and then RTI became our focus. Jan Sunwais was organized and Parivartan started getting bigger and bigger. Aruna Roy also joined us. We also targeted the World Bank against water privatization in Delhi.” Even he fails to recollect the name Sampoorn Parivartan.
International Camaraderie
It was not just Ford Foundation that had a prominent role in the rise of Arvind Kejriwal. Various multilateral institutions across the world, including the World Bank, have been instrumental in backing Arvind Kejriwal, sometimes even beyond their regular call of duty. The World Bank provided a grant to Arvind Kejriwal in the name of Parivartan even when it was not officially registered with the government by the same name. This suggests a possible violation of the donation rules. This intriguing revelation emerged from a World Bank report on Social Accountability Stocktaking Exercise for South and East Asia in 2005. When confronted with this information, Trivedi cautioned against pursuing misguided angles in the story, instead highlighting his admiration for Arvind Kejriwal’s remarkable leadership qualities. Notable figures within the core group of Parivartan included Pankaj Gupta, now the National Secretary of AAP, and Manish Sisodia, a former video journalist who was captivated by the group’s website and became its inaugural volunteer. However, the website of Parivartan mysteriously disappeared following the first investigation by the home ministry into alleged contravention of Foreign Control Regulation Act by Parivartan, leaving behind a trail of intrigue and speculation. It can only be speculated why the World Bank was willing to go beyond conventional boundaries to support Arvind Kejriwal’s endeavors.
At the same time, Arvind Kejriwal’s protege – Manish Sisodia ran another NGO called KABIR (an acronym for Karamyogi Association for bringing Indian Regeneration). This NGO also came under scrutiny for it allegedly diverted funding from foreign sources to Janlokpal movement. The Janlokpal movement was a series of demonstrations and protests across India that began in 2011 and was intended to establish strong legislation and enforcement against perceived endemic political corruption. Against this background Advocate ML Sharma filed a writ petition in Delhi High Court alleging violation of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act,2010 alleging that there were suspicions regarding the foreign funding of movement as large amount of funded money was spent on campaigning for the movement in the form of bulk SMSs, social media campaigns, t-shirts, caps, flags and other money intensive activities adopted by the civil society activists, demanding their version of the Lokpal Bill. The Foreign Control Regulation Act of India, 2011 (FCRA) prohibits any foreign funding to Indian political organizations or the organizations with political nature. ML Sharma’s petition argued that by the definition of law even Janlokpal movement – which consisted of a voluntary action group interested in affecting the public policy of the country is an organization of political nature and foreign funding of political activities is in violation of FCRA. The report by the Home Ministry revealed only few irregularities mentioned in Sharma’s petition were found and those irregularities are not serious enough at that stage
to warrant a criminal investigation. The case was subsequently disposed because Sharma continuously remained to be absent from court proceedings.
However, Steven Solnick, the Ford Foundation representative to India is on record accepting that Kabir had received their funding, two times in 2005 and 2008 but denied any allegations of foundation’s involvement behind the ‘anti-graft’ movement which started in 2011. Contrary to that, a screenshot of Ford’s funding to Kabir in 2011 is doing rounds on the web whose authenticity is yet to be proved. All the records concerning Kabir have been removed from the Foundation’s website post 2005. When Kavitha N Ramdas, the present Indian representative of foundation was reached for an official comment she replied, “The foundation’s first grant to Kabir was made in 2007 and was for $197,000 over three years. The grant supported the organization’s efforts to produce training materials on India’s Right-to-Information law, to disseminate information about the effective use of the law, and to help promote transparent and accountable governance. These efforts were carried out satisfactorily and the grant was closed on schedule.” Mrs. Ramdas forgot to add the grant made to Kabir in the year 2005 for enabling a ‘media initiative’ to popularize the right to information act.
It is worthy to note that the website for Kabir too stands removed and unavailable for public scrutiny. In an answer to a RTI petition filed by the website Beyond Headlines in 2009, Kabir revealed that they had received funds from the Ford Foundation (Rs 86,61,742), PRIA (Rs 2,37,035), Manjunath Shanmugam Trust (Rs 3,70,000), Dutch Embassy (Rs 19,61,968), Association for India’s Development (Rs 15,00,000), India’s Friends Association (Rs 7,86,500), United Nationals Development Programme (Rs12,52,742) while Rs 11,35,857 were collected from individual donations between 2007 to 2010. Of these, particularly noteworthy is the direct contribution from the Dutch Embassy which was banned from making donations in India for six years in 2002 for their involvement in insurgency activities in the north-east.
The corporates who bank rolled Arvind Kejriwal
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Another writ petition in the High Court of Allahabad questions the corporate funding to the Janlokpal movement. The funding for the Janlokpal movement was procured through PCRF another NGO run by Arvind Kejriwal. Other trustees were Manish Sisodia, TV producer and writer – Abhinandan Sekhri, Retd. IPS Kiran Bedi and Supreme Court advocate Prashant Bhushan. This organization has not received any foreign funding but the trustee of Ford Foundation – Narayan Murthy himself persuaded India Inc. to fund PCRF. Among the major donors to PCRF, in turn Janlokpal movement was Infosys founder Narayan Murthy who had agreed to give Kejriwal’s Public Cause Research Foundation Rs 25 lakh a year in 2008 for a period of five years. He also brought the Tata Social Welfare Trust on the board. They also donated an equal amount for the same period to raise awareness about RTI. An equal amount came from the Kasturi Trust in Bangalore, founded by the first chairman of Infosys, G K Jayaram. Other donors included Jindal Aluminum and Enam securities. In May 2011 Kejriwal wrote back to concerned stakeholders expressing PCRF’s inability to carry on with the RTI campaign for which the money was taken. He said that PCRF was busy with drafting the Janlokpal bill and further requested to funnel the money for Lokpal’s cause. This was exactly in the same way Kabir wrote to the Ford Foundation. Tatas refused to accept the request; Murthy let the funds be used in the meanwhile for he felt that the country needed a ‘Moderate but effective’ Lokpal. Murthy clarified later that he discontinued funding to Kejriwal when the latter turned political. Sanjiv Bhikhchandani of Naukri.com also felt apologetic for the fact that the funds meant for the RTI act may have been used for building a broader movement. Prashant Bhushan, one of the earlier founding members of Aam Aadmi Party was quoted by Business Standard saying “Any corporate is free to give donations to us. When they donated in the past, we used it for anti-corruption work and not for political activities. It started only now,” adding that the corporate had not stopped supporting the movement. Those who stood the ground with Kejriwal included Sitaram Jindal and Eicher Goodearth Trust.
Cut to the Present
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In the heart of Tihar Jail, amidst the towering concrete walls that echoed with the whispers of past incarcerations, Arvind Kejriwal has found himself confined within a stark cell. Outside the imposing gates of the prison, a different kind of drama is unfolding. Representatives from various international powers, their tailored suits contrasted sharply with the somber surroundings, converging in a flurry of diplomatic maneuvering.
It is common sense that Arvind Kejriwal’s ascent to prominence is intricately intertwined with a common agenda that transcends borders, blending the interests of international multilateral institutions, vested corporate entities, and neo-imperial ambitions.
As the hours stretch into days, and Kejriwal is yet to get bail, the tension is mounting both inside and outside the prison walls. With each passing moment, the fate of Arvind Kejriwal became not just a matter of justice but a battleground where the forces of international politics are clashing, each vying for supremacy in the shadowy arena of power and influence.
Yet, these high-stakes games remain veiled from public scrutiny, obscured by the complexities of global diplomacy. As the world watches with bated breath, the true extent of the bargains struck between the global powers remains shrouded in secrecy. Meanwhile, for the public, the Kejriwal saga serves as mere entertainment and drama, a spectacle to behold amidst the mundane routines of daily life.
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